Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology)


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Anthropos makes himself and the world around him. He conquers, masters, and appropriates the non-human, turning it into the mere environment of his existence, there solely for his use. If sociology remains trapped in this paradigm it continues to be blind to the multiple space-time specific interrelations of life-elements through which heterogeneous and contingent ontologies of humans and extra-humans are enacted. If these processes of interconnection are not given due attention, the socioecological worlds in which we—human as well as others—live cannot be adequately understood.

But misunderstandings are not the only issue at stake. From the inside of Anthropos' relation to his environment the only way of conceiving current socioecological problems is by framing them in terms of an environmental crisis which could, hypothetically, be solved by the very same societal model that created it. But if the transformation of some of the world s ' life-elements into the environment of the Human is part of the problem, then, socioecological issues cannot be adequately understood or addressed if they are framed as an environmental crisis.

Instead, these problems need to be conceived as a crisis of Western modernity itself and of the kind of worlds that are possible and impossible to build within it. Sociology studies interaction—specifically, it studies interactional distributions and enactments of power-knowledge and ontologies. That much still remains true. But there have been considerable changes—both within and outside the social sciences—since the times of Marx, Weber, Simmel, and other classical sociologists.

The field's opening to the study of environmental issues has shattered many of what have historically been its epistemological and ontological foundations. There have been several proposals in this direction, but they still remain less than mainstream research stances although it is arguable that this is less the case now than it was some decades ago. It is not possible to remain trapped inside the confines of what humans do with each other and expect to understand the myriad interrelations of human and extra-human life-elements 3 of the world s.

To remain enclosed by an a priori defined privilege of human interaction is to stay incapable of seeing the true extent of the networks of life-elements that compose the socioecological phenomena that sociology studies. This does not mean that sociologists must become experts of all things, which would undoubtedly lead them to become experts of nothing. But there is a need to significantly widen the scope of the interrelations that we study. To be precise, the problem at hand is the Western modern paradigm of knowledge and practice in which sociology moves itself i.

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Among other things, this paradigm is patriarchal, colonial, capitalist, and anthropocentric. It institutionalizes forms of existence that enact specific types of human-nature relations where the second term is subordinated to the first Santos, , p. Given this, what is needed is not a calibration of research elements similar to the one that was done from the s onward when, to accompany formal political decolonization happening in the Global South, sociology started opening its doors to the study of human worlds outside of the West obviously, there where sociologists preoccupied with extra-Western phenomena before this date, but they were far from being the majority.

To replicate this now is unsustainable because we are not dealing with more human elements to add to the mix. For some decades now, we have been facing an irruption of the extra-human into what has historically been a human-focused field of inquiry. It is not further human populations that are entering our field of vision but trees, and animals, and water, and gases, and rocks.

As such, any attempt to merely add up a new element—the environment, nature, or whatever one chooses to call it—to our considerations simply does not work 4. If epistemological and ontological changes stop there, as they are prone to do, sociology is not doing anything very original. It is merely replicating the same Cartesian divide of Society vs. Nature that has, since its beginning, characterized it. For years, sociologists have mainly dealt with this divide by focusing on just one of its poles—the better one, the most interesting one; or so we thought.

To add the environment to our conceptualization of the world still leaves us trapped in a conceptualization of an anthropocentric world. We still focus on Society. We just start taking into account the ways in which human action conditions Nature. It should lead us not to rethink but rather to fundamentally unthink Wallerstein, what sociology has taken for granted for far too long.

As such, adding up Nature to Society or Humanity, or Culture, or any equivalent does not do. This position validates the reification of both terms and keeps them, as they have been for years in slightly different ways, in relation to each other Moore, a , b. Even narratives on the Earth's revenge on humanity reinforce this insofar as in them nature's action is mostly re-action to the effects of what humanity—the only true actor in this story—does.

Unthinking what we know—including what we know about how we know—implies refusing to understand this issue in terms of humanity's relation to nature but rather conceptualizing it in terms of the space-time specific interrelations of different elements of the web of life.

These are not in relation to each other, and much less are they in a binary relation in which one of the parts acts upon the other, the former's actions generating a set of consequences on the latter. These multiple life-elements enter into multiple space-time localized relations with each other, collectively establishing contingent, dynamic, and conflictual arrangements of human and extra-human beings and things—in Haraway's , p.

In this essay we propose to unthink some of sociology's foundations of knowledge and practice. We do this by focusing on the Western modern dominant concept of nature, and particularly by discussing its transformation into the environment. With this background, we argue that current mainstream sociological approaches to the study of human-nature relations have not sufficiently broke with its paradigmatic Western modern origins, making them unable to understand the multiplicity of interrelations between life-elements by which socioecological phenomena are enacted.

The following section starts by looking at how nature is turned into the environment of Western modern humanity, which is an essential process for the latter's dominant approach to the government of human life. We then discuss how this is inextricable from capitalism insofar as it allows nature to be enacted as a series of commodities.

Following this we argue that if the concept of the environment is inherently problematic, then environmental sociology has a foundational problem that it may be unable of solving. The section ends by contending that, due to these conceptual and practical problems, the environmental crisis is the wrong framing for the current Western modern crisis of enactment of socioecological ontologies and worlds.

There are far more sociological concepts and practices in need of unthinking. And much more could be said about nature and its conversion into the environment. Our position in this essay is quite humble and has no pretension to exhaustively discuss all that need to be unthought. We are merely pointing to some of the perplexities that have been bothering us in our common research, thus adding to the collective effort s of unthinking Western modern enactments of life with the hope that others will find this exercise relatable to their own intellectual and political concerns.

The last 50 years have seen the emergence of many significant contributions to the exercise of unthinking Western modern enactments of the world s that inspires this essay: from the historical-philosophical tours de force of Foucault , a , b , a , Kuhn , or Feyerabend , to science and technology studies STS and actor-network theory ANT , passing through several schools of feminist and decolonial thought 5. All of these have been listened to and developed by many other researchers, and we build our own work from and alongside them. Nonetheless, the critical exercise of unthinking and re-enacting is still far from being the norm for research carried out within sociology.

This is undoubtedly the case of research on matters of human-nature relations. Most sociological research on the general field of the relation of humanity to the rest of the cosmos has a firm footing on the Cartesian division of Nature and Society or Culture, or any equivalent Descartes, Both of them are very much heterogeneous and this analytical partition is merely a shorthand.

But most of these stances tend to implicitly validate and solidify the Social Contract argument of Hobbes , Rousseau , or Locke , according to which the creation of any sort of civil and political—in essence, social—state is inherently dependent on the exit from the state of nature 6.

In this fashion, the sum of human beings, all of them exemplars of ego cogito , is withdrawn from the rest of the cosmos. No matter what category each of the constitutive parts of the non-human is put in—and the exact distribution varies dynamically according to space and time—it is thought of as being in relation to humanity. However, by definition, it is not part of humanity. Human and non-human natural , their ontologies are different, even if the existence of each of them is ontologically dependent on the existence of the other.

Ego cogito does not change his or her essence because of the action of the elements of the non-human 7. He is in himself and from himself. In the same manner, nature's essence is unchangeable. The modern project of dominion of nature Plumwood, ; Scott, ; Serres, ; Latour, ; Debaise et al. In this fashion, Western modern human action is able to reshape nature's appearance, to cut down trees, to relocate animals and plants, to make water change its course, to hollow out nature by extracting what lies within it, to disrupt its homeostatic equilibriums.

But this does not change nature's essence as Nature opposed to Human, as Nature in so far as it is non-Human. Nature's role as the Great Outside of the Human is not up for questioning. Paradoxically, it is assumed to remain ontologically the same even as it is made to change geologically, geographically, biologically, etc. It remains reality out-there, existing independently of how it is perceived, prior to statements made about it, in a definite and singular form Law, , p.

It can be seen, interpreted, measured, classified, used, etc. Importantly, modern dichotomies are expressions of hierarchical relations, one of the terms being privileged and the other subaltern. As Plumwood , p. The mythologem that is the state of nature is what one leaves in order to collectively create a social existence, the only one that truly matters, the one that, although imperfect, is far better that the alternative of nature—with its chaos, dirtiness, discomfort, aggression, etc.

And we must keep in mind that, within this paradigm, nature is in fact the only alternative to society. It is the sole alternative because dichotomies are exercises in totality-as-way-of-ordering-reality, i. Most sociological research on issues of the environment implicitly solidifies this philosophical stance. Uncritically taking for granted that there is something fundamentally different i.

For Latour , p. The passivity of nature characteristic of Western modern philosophy, opposed to the reflexive action of humans, is thus reinforced—even in narratives about the Earth's revenge on humanity because of the damage the latter inflicts upon it nature's action is re-action, making humanity into the true actor of the story insofar as without it no movement would have been made by the other term of the dichotomy.

A sociology of the social can do nothing but fail when trying to understand the heterogeneous interrelations of human and extra-human life-elements. If it cannot be seen, the myriad connections between different life-elements cannot be made into this sociology's central research topic. In this manner, as a starting point, the world's life-elements are distributed into the categories of this dichotomy. When research starts, this has already been done, which leads to the placement of the elements of the two categories in relation to each other—fundamentally distinct, one of them acting over the other.

If they are in relation to each other, they cannot be in relation with each other. This would presuppose that there are more than two elements in relation, it would presuppose that worlds are not yet taxonomically distributed into categories, leaving their life-elements relatively free to roam and communicate with one another with disregard for analytical borders.

It would assume that these worlds are not only where these life-elements act and exist but also that they are the contingent and dynamic result of this very action and existence—a form of existence-as-action which can only be carried out by the efforts, work, and energy of space-time localized humans and extra-humans. This leaves a sociology of the social with only one way of conceiving human-natural relations.

If life-elements do not interact in ways that enact worlds—which, among other things, perform-contain contingent stabilizations of nature and society—, then, it is from within each of the two realms of Society and Nature that all things must emerge, eventually overflowing from one to the other. In other words, a sociology of the social can only conceive a world in which phenomena specific to one of these realms condition existence in the other.

This is a cause and effect model of limited interrelation in which, generally, human action—the action of the Human—develops through human-specific processes that occur in the environment of Nature. There is no significant interplay in the generative process by which these phenomena start; they occur because humans do things with one another. But what they do together has such a magnitude that converts them into causes of—mainly damaging—natural processes e. Human actions emerge as causes of these phenomena, leading to a set of consequences which occur in the realm of Nature, depleting and degrading it.

This can, eventually, come back to haunt us; but we alone caused it and the second level consequences—from human to nature back to human—by which natural phenomena with human causes damage Society do not make Nature into a true actor in this story. Granted, this cause and effect mode of thinking can be made into something complex, attuned to the idea that different human processes can combine themselves to cause one outcome and that the same human phenomenon can contribute to several environmental consequences. And even then this limited conception of action and interaction is inherently incapable of seeing much of the actions and interactions by which the worlds in which we—humans as well as others—live are collectively enacted.

Only by rejecting this dichotomy as something that exists a priori , as something that predates action s , and by understanding it as the contingent and dynamic result of both human and extra-human action s , can multiplicity be taken into account. And the life-elements that are distributed into nature or society—which are not predetermined once and for all but rather are the object of historical and spatial conflicts, as black slaves and most women could attest—act in ways that make inappropriate the cause and effect thought models of sociology of the social's study of the environment.

And the actions of different networks of human and extra-human life-elements constantly overflow each of the networks that originally performs them to reach other such networks, creating multiple flows of mutual communication between what is, at a certain time and in a certain place, constructed as social and natural.

Managing Overflow In Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances In Sociology)

Given these shortcomings, a sociology of the social provides an inadequate framing for the understanding of the myriad relations between humanity and nature. No matter how critical it may be, research developed within this paradigm falls back into a form of Western modern reification of both Society or Humanity, etc. In other words, it starts from an implicit decision to distribute the world's life-elements into these two—and only these two—categories and then proceeds to ascribe them two ontologically incommensurable essences. It is only if this conception and practice of sociology is rejected that it is possible to comprehend the myriad interrelations between human and extra-human life-elements.

In order to move beyond this paradigm, after having started to explore the conversion of the extra-human into Nature, we now continue the discussion by looking at the enactment of Nature as the environment. The environment of something that does not belong to it. It deals with reified nature, understood as the outside that is all around equally reified humanity Such a sociology most definitely does not study the dynamic and heterogeneous interrelations between different things of and in the world, it does not highlight how these temporally and spatially specific interconnections between human and extra-human life-elements are precisely the processes by which worlds and those who live in them are collectively enacted.

In short, it does not address the various forms of creating certain space-time specific arrangements of life, i. Instead, sociology starts from the positive exception of the Human. It is epistemologically, ontologically, and morally superior to Nature As Foucault made clear, the emergence of a biopolitical rationality of government 13 in eighteenth century Europe elevated the concept- praxis of human population to the role of central subject-object of intervention Foucault, , , , , Around this period, the exercise of power took as its main preoccupation the protection of the human life of the collective that is population, aiming to increase its life opportunities by guaranteeing that its behavior did not deviate from statistical-scientific normality in ways that endangered it.

The consolidation of industrial capitalism, the maintenance of colonial residents and administrations, and military strength-in-numbers within as well as outside Europe, all required large quantities of relatively healthy human beings. In order to meet this requirement of protection of human life at least of that human life which power-knowledge conflicts lead to be placed into categories of the Human , governmental interventions became more effective by indirectly guiding these human collectives instead of directly prescribing and adjusting their conducts.

As such, governmental exercises assumed the form of interventions on the milieu , the environment in which populations lived, aiming to change the manner in which collective phenomena were shaped by changing the conditions which framed the possibilities for each unit of the population to act Foucault, , p. The underlying logic is simple to explain, even if the processes by which it is enacted are very much complex. Want to decrease mortality rates and increase the general health of the inhabitants of a certain city? Don't prohibit individual behaviors that make people sick, like unsanitary eating or hygienic habits.

Don't threaten individuals with the strong arm of the law in order to stop them from doing what has been scientifically discovered to be harmful for them. Instead, construct and maintain centrally regulated urban sewage systems, create a process of regular garbage collection, or lower taxes on food rich in protein and vitamins. Furthermore, his periodization of Western modern intervention on the environment in order to govern life is off by some years McBrien, ; Moore, b ; Parenti, But his insight on the central role played by the environment of humanity in Western modern governmental exercises must not be downplayed If one dates the start of Western modernity to the transatlantic colonial arrival of Wallerstein, , ; Dussel, ; Mignolo, , ; Lander, ; Quijano, ; McBrien, ; Moore, b , it becomes clear that humanity at least that part of humanity which arrived on American shores and its descendants has since then constructed the extra-human as being up for grabs.

As Dussel argues, the ego cogito was historically preceded by the ego conquiro , the Human who, having arrived outside of Europe, immediately defined the world of the non-human as existing solely for his benefit. The process by which large portions of humanity were relegated to categories of Nature-outside-humanity was simply the necessary condition of this operation of humanity's mastery and possession of the world of the non-human.

This is the paradigm in which environmental sociology moves itself. What it sees and how it sees it are strongly conditioned by the manner in which nature is transformed into the environment of humanity. As environment, nature is enacted as the mere surroundings of the Human, the latter existing at the center of an undeniably anthropocentric cosmos.

Since this is a Western modern cosmos, Anthropos is clearly defined. He is ego cogito but that is not all that he is. As such, within the Western modern paradigm, nature is enacted as the environment of homo oeconomicus. As the environment of modern homines oeconomicae , nature—or, to be more precise, all supposedly non-human elements of the anthropocentric world—are made into resources to be conquered, dominated, and appropriated Serres, ; Moore, b.

The reification of the extra-human as Nature is the first step of a process by which all discrete units of this Nature are enacted as potential resources to be used and depleted with all the might and the right the Human confers upon himself at the expense of all other beings and things. The environment of humanity is humanity's reservoir of potential resources. In this manner, nature-as-environment loses any meaning in itself and all of its potential significance derives from the use Western modern capitalist humanity gives it.

Its lack of meaning outside of Western modern capitalist standards makes reified nature into an entity whose discrete units, both those that are known and those that might be known, are made into things-as-potential-commodities. It is not the case of the non-human being immediately enacted as commodity. Rather, it is enacted as something that, in itself, is nothing besides a collection of smaller things, each one of them potentially commodifiable In other words, nature-as-environment has no meaning besides that which Western modern capitalism is able of giving it and each of its components, and this societal model is only able to give meaning to commodities or, to put it more precisely, it is only capable of ascribing meaning to something by commodifying it.

At any given time, the environment has some discreet units that are not commodified, as well as others that are. According to the space-time specific necessities of capitalist modernity, the life-elements that are categorized as any form of Nature are brought from the field of potential commodity to that of actual commodity and vice versa , thus expanding the total field of capitalist commodification of the non-human world This modus operandi of commodification by grabbing parts of the environment and re-signifying i.

Thus, the commodification of such things de-signifies them insofar as the market is fundamentally incapable of exhausting their total meaning. In other words, they are far more than something with market value and to transform them into commodities is to reduce all of their cultural meaning to market criteria, which makes them into elements of the world whose total significance capitalism in not able to grasp, even though it is very much capable of using and abusing them. In other words, according to the empirical definition of a commodity they are not commodities.

The point is that there is no such thing as Nature out-there with an original essence that puts it outside the collective action of human-and-extra-human arrangements by which space-time specific ontologies and worlds are enacted—some of them as commodities. Nonetheless, Polanyi's insight is valuable in two ways. On the one hand, it makes clear that commodification is inherently incapable of exhausting the potential meanings—the potential life—of the elements of the world s which are commodified i.

On the other hand, Polanyi's argument highlights that the peculiar market-based enactment of some life-elements as commodities is inherently damaging, both to them and to the world s to which they belong to i. This societal model exists because the extra-human is turned reified into Nature, which in turn is transformed into the environment of the Human and dealt with i. It is this particular kind of commodification that enables the typically Western modern capitalist human modes of action and existence that do not reflexively take into account the manner in which different networks of human and extra-human life-elements act together to enact certain types of worldly arrangements i.

In other words, this sequential process starts with the reification of the non-human, follows to its conversion into the Great Outside, there solely for the use of the Human, then fragments this environment into discreet units, and lastly picks and chooses which units will be commodified in a given space and time. It is this process that enables the kinds of careless human action and existence that disregard the wellbeing of the extra-human, in extremis disregarding the very condition of possibility of its existence.

Given that the different life-elements of the world s do not adjust themselves willingly to Western modern fragmentation of reality—or, to be more precise, Western modern's enactment of fragmented realities—, the forms of human action and existence that are made possible by the sequential process of reification of the extra-human are both genocidal and suicidal.

The practical symbiosis of human and extra-human life-elements of space-time specific networks, symbolically denied in Western modernity, implies that the uncaring disregard that leads to the extermination of the extra-human also describes a suicidal operation by which the Human disregards its own conditions of possibility, its own conditions of a future, of any future As such, the only way of successfully facing this problem is to unthink the core concept of the environment.

This would be a sociology which, while being attentive of human peculiarities, would not presume humanity to be the only peculiar entity in the cosmos and would rather assume that giving due attention to the interconnectedness of human and extra-human life-elements of specific space-times is fundamental to the adequate understanding of the phenomena it deals with. In other words, in order to make environmental sociology relevant at a politically and intellectually fundamental level, it must be unmade and reforged into something very different from what it was and still predominantly is.

If the environment is part of what must be unthought, a field of inquiry that takes it to be its core concept—or at least one of its core concepts—cannot frame the right questions for the right issues, thus making it unable of providing hypotheses and coordinates for action which might be used to face the problems at hand. It is unable of providing these hypotheses and coordinates because it is not looking at the phenomena that need to be looked at. The prime example of this is perhaps the focus on environmental problems, many times conceptualized as an the?

There can only be an environmental crisis if the extra-human is reduced to the Great Outside of the Human. Only in this paradigm does human action damage what is fundamentally other-than-human, creating a sustainability problem. Within this paradigm, many are the solutions proposed to this unsustainability of the life of the Human. These tend to be framed in the general terms of greening capitalism, of making sure that Western modern capitalism survives by trying to reduce the rate of world s -destruction, thusly guaranteeing the eternal reproduction both of this societal model and of its inherent destruction of worlds, including itself.

The main approach to this is technocratic Crist, ; Hartley, , appearing in the form of proposals to reforest critical areas of the planet; of geoengineering projects Altvater, ; of attempts to reduce greenhouse gases emissions by replacing fossil fuels with renewable energies or through regulated market trade of carbon credits Vossole, ; and so forth.

All of these solutions are doomed to fail simply because what is problematic is Western modern capitalism itself—within which both the damages and the solutions are being enacted Serres, ; Moore, b But it does share with this technocratic approach the same core concepts of the environment and the environmental crisis, thus reflecting many of the same shortcomings that are apparent in policy-making, engineering, economics, the natural sciences, and other technocratic fields. So maybe it is time to leave environmental sociology behind. In the face of contemporary threats to planetary life, it is increasingly urgent to move on to the radical relationism of space-time specific multiple and heterogeneous arrangements of different life-elements of the world s , both human and extra-human.

If we start making this movement, the environmental crisis is shown as fundamentally inadequate as a problem with which we should concern ourselves. It is shown to be a life-and-death-enactment fraught with the same symbolical and material problems that have marked Western modernity since its beginning—the very same problems that have brought about a state of affairs in which very real dangers are upon us. Since the environment is a severely limited, blind, and extinction-prone way of enacting the extra-human, the environmental crisis is the wrong framing for these dangers.

None of this means that all is well; far from it. There is a vital crisis—literally a crisis of vitality, a crisis of life enactments—but this is a crisis of world s -building. It is a crisis of Western modernity and of the types of life-realities that are possible and impossible to enact within its boundaries. It is a crisis of a societal model that, as Marx reminded us, is based on the alienation of humanity from nature, making the latter into a mere means of guaranteeing human life—which is inextricable from the alienation of each human being from what he or she produces, from his or her own self, and from other human beings This changes the problems we—both human and extra-human—have to face, making it inevitable to conclude that only through revolutionary change 25 of the Western modern capitalist societal model could the world s -building crisis be unmade—even if its consequences will very likely shape the conditions of possibility for most, if not all, future enactments of human-with-extra-human arrangements of life.

How can we leave the world s -building crisis behind? How can Western modern problematic enactments of the web of life be successfully unmade and remade in ways that do not oppress the world s ' life-elements, both human and extra-human? Unthinking the epistemic foundations of both Western modernity and of its predominant forms of knowledge, including the social sciences, is the first step for the much-needed reenactment of life.

One of the things that this process leads to is to the reforging of environmental sociology into something quite different from what it has been. It leads to dropping the environment from a sociology that concerns itself with the multiple, heterogeneous, space-time specific relations of life-elements by which humanity and nature are contingently made and remade. But how can this be achieved? Any answer to this question is fraught with the pitfalls of hubris. Aiming to provide definite answers to similar questions is a very Western modern stance. It is, without a doubt, possible to attempt to do so—but only at the risk of replicating the very paradigm that created the problems discussed in this essay, as well as many others.

We do not have any such proposal to close what has been said. We cannot have it because what has been said is entirely open-ended. And since life is always locally enacted in particular places and times, by particular networks of human and extra-human elements, the problems of life can only be—precariously—dealt with by each of the multitudes that are implicated in its enactments. Answers for problems related to the enactments of life can—and quite likely need to—be inter-locally coordinated, but no one locality or actor is able of providing them for the others.

All that we dare to put forward are tentative sensibilities and intuitions. By their inter-local contingent and conflictual coordination s , the multiple processes of life-reenactment that are needed in order to overcome life-and-death issues such as changes to the biosphere, deforestation, or the extinction of entire species, are inherently revolutionary. And revolutions are arduous things to make—especially when, like what is at stake in these cases of life-enactments, they cannot be made once and for all. One cannot leave Western modernity by establishing something else in an instant.

It is not possible to enact what one cannot imagine and our—individual as well as collective—imaginations are severely—albeit not completely—limited by Western modern habits of thought and practice. Given this, any revolution of Western modern forms of enacting life can only be done from within Western modernity itself. Fortunately, Western modernity is not homogeneous.

It is a succession of life-enactments that have manifold forms, although they share some fundamental i. This societal model has an undeniable will-to-singularity. It attempts to construct singular ontologies of both Society and Nature that are valid everywhere. Although students and scholars of social problems have often acknowledged the role of religion, no thorough examinations of the relation between the two have emerged.

This volume fills this gap by providing a definitive work on the role of religion in assessing, constructing, and solving social….

Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology)

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This book explores contemporary club and dance cultures as a manifestation of aesthetic and prosthetic forms of life. Rief addresses the questions of how practices of clubbing help cultivate particular forms of reflexivity and modes of experience, and how these shape new devices for reconfiguring…. By Richard Howson. In the past twenty years there has been a growing interest in the issues surrounding men and masculinity. Driven primarily by the second-wave feminist critique of the legitimacy or hegemony of masculine practice and culture, the hegemony of men in social spheres such as the family, law, and the….

By Paul Johnson. Despite recent changes in the theoretical understanding and representation of sexuality, heterosexuality continues to be socially normative. This book examines the everyday living conditions experienced and also shaped by young people in Europe. Contributors reflect on the current context of economic, social and political change affecting youth in the critical transition from dependence to independence.

Social inequality is a worldwide phenomenon. Globalization has exacerbated and alleviated inequality over the past twenty-five years. This volume offers analytical and comparative insights from current case studies of social inequality in more than ten countries within all the major regions of the…. By Eduardo de la Fuente. In the first decade of the twentieth-century, many composers rejected the principles of tonality and regular beat.

This signaled a dramatic challenge to the rationalist and linear conceptions of music that had existed in the West since the Renaissance. By Kristin Lawler. The image of surfing is everywhere in American popular culture — films, novels, television shows, magazines, newspaper articles, music, and especially advertisements. In this book, Kristin Lawler examines the surfer, one of the most significant and enduring archetypes in American popular culture,…. By Arpad Szakolczai. This book offers a sociological analysis of the Renaissance, focusing on the concept of grace, and the unity that exists between its various meanings: theological, anthropological gift-giving, Mauss; and sociability, Simmel , and aesthetical beauty and gracefulness.

Since the seminal work of Max…. By Dustin Kidd. How does political policy-making shape the creative activities of artists? Do the political interests of artists influence actual political practices in any way? Legislating Creativity examines the relationship between art and politics through an analysis of controversial art projects tied to the…. This volume develops a comprehensive conceptual framework of informal work and analyses systematically the relationship of formal….

By Jeremy F. In the last decade of his career, the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu became involved in a series of high-profile political interventions, defending the cause of striking students and workers, speaking out in the name of illegal immigrants, the homeless and the unemployed, challenging the….

Edited by Karen Albright , Dalton Conley. Since the publication of the Coleman report in the US many decades ago, it has been widely accepted that the evidence that schools are marginal in the grand scheme of academic achievement is conclusive.

Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies - CRC Press Book

Despite this, educational policy across the world remains focused almost exclusively on…. By Christian Fuchs.

Edited by Rhiannon Morgan , Bryan Turner. In recent decades, human rights have come to occupy an apparently unshakable position as a key and pervasive feature of contemporary global public culture. At the same time, human rights have become a central focus of research in the social sciences, embracing distinctive analytical and empirical…. By Ross Morrow. Gynaecologist William Howell Masters and psychologist Virginia Eshelman Johnson pioneered research into the nature of human sexual response and the diagnosis and treatment of sexual disorders and dysfunctions from until the s.

Routledge Advances in Sociology This series presents cutting-edge developments and debates within the field of sociology.


  • The Case of the Missing Calf (Sugar Creek Gang Original Series).
  • A Shamans Apprentice - Traditional Healing in the Brazilian Amazon.
  • Organization studies as symmetrical ethnology!

Scharlach , Kazumi Hoshino Healthy Aging in Sociocultural Context examines two emerging trends facing countries throughout the world: population aging and population diversity. It makes a unique contribution to our understanding of these timely issues by examining their implications for healthy aging, a topic of increasing… Paperback — Routledge Routledge Advances in Sociology.

D'Augelli Gay men often face struggles in the conservative world of rural life, due to the pervasive social stigmas associated with homosexuality and the lack of anonymity in a small-town setting. The lack of social and cultural capital and the… Paperback — Routledge Routledge Advances in Sociology. The essays explore the ways in which notions of overflow — framed in terms of excess and abundance or their implicit… Paperback — Routledge Routledge Advances in Sociology.

Vision and Society Towards a Sociology and Anthropology from Art, 1st Edition By John Clammer Vision and Society is an attempt to show that it is possible to go beyond a sociology of art to the more ambitious possibility of a sociology from art. Wadsworth , John Bynner Since the end of the Second World War, society has been characterised by rapid and extensive political, economic, scientific, and technological change.

Opportunities for education, employment, human relations, and good health, have all been greatly affected by those changes, as have all aspects of… Paperback — Routledge Routledge Advances in Sociology. Not only do borrowing and assimilation, interaction between the familiar and the alien, constitute a venerable… Paperback — Routledge Routledge Advances in Sociology.

Carroll Today, "community" seems to be everywhere. The Neighborhood in the Internet investigates social and civic effects of community… Paperback — Routledge Routledge Advances in Sociology. Islamophobia in the West Measuring and Explaining Individual Attitudes, 1st Edition Edited by Marc Helbling Since the late s, growing migration from countries with a Muslim cultural background, and increasing Islamic fundamentalism related to terrorist attacks in Western Europe and the US, have created a new research field investigating the way states and ordinary citizens react to these new… Paperback — Routledge Routledge Advances in Sociology.

1st Edition

Hoffmann Although numerous studies of religious rituals have been conducted by religious studies scholars, anthropologists, sociologists, and psychologists, it is rare to find a work that brings scholars from different disciplines together to discuss the similarities and differences in their research. Agency without Actors? However, in most recent discussions the role of non-humans gains a substantial impact concerning agency… Paperback — Routledge Routledge Advances in Sociology. The book covers his sociology of work,… Paperback — Routledge Routledge Advances in Sociology.

Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology) Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology)
Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology) Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology)
Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology) Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology)
Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology) Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology)
Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology) Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology)
Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology) Managing Overflow in Affluent Societies (Routledge Advances in Sociology)

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